The introduction below was given at a recent Fight Racism! Fight Imperialism! discussion forum in Newcastle following discussion with Colombian comrades from JUCO - Youth Communist Party of Colombia, at the World festival of Youth and Students in Quite, Ecuador in December 2013. It summarizes the history and highlights some key issues in the struggle for national liberation that has raged for decades in Colombia.
What resources does Colombia have? In 2010, the agricultural sector contributed 7 percent of GDP, accounting for almost $20 billion. there are immense plantations of bananas, sugar cane, rice, cotton, soybeans and sorghum, and large cattle farms that produce meat and dairy products.Coffee, Flowers, are also key exports. The production of tropical fruits, palm oil, timber, shrimp, palm hearts and asparagus is increasing rapidly, with significant export potential.The world’s largest open cast coal mine is located on the peninsula of La Guajira and produces nearly 32 million tons per year, making Colombia the world’s 10th largest coal producer. The two primary destinations for Colombian coal are the Netherlands and the United States.Colombia is the third-largest crude oil producer in South America, with an average 915,000 barrels/day in 2011. Exports of oil and derivatives reached $28 billion in 2011, with main destinations being the United States and the Caribbean. Colombia is the 7th largest supplier of crude oil to the U.S.
Private foreign investment has played a key role in the development of Colombia’s energy sector. The Government has promoted this participation through special incentives, including legal stability contracts and special tax deductions. No wonder there has been such a bloodthirsty battle over the control of these resources.
Promotion of Free Trade:
Colombia is an important market for America’s farmers and ranchers. In 2010, the United States exported $832 million of agricultural products to Colombia, the second highest export total in South America. President Uribe and his successor President Santos have been central to promoting free trade in Colombia, pushing many of the agreements.
The U.S.-Colombia trade agreements went into effect on May 15, 2012. immediately eliminated duties on almost 70 percent of U.S. farm exports including wheat, barley, soy-beans, flour, beef, bacon, peanuts, whey, cotton, and the vast majority of processed products.
The International Trade Commission (ITC) has estimated that the Agreement will expand exports of U.S. goods alone by more than $1.1 billion and will increase U.S. GDP by $2.5 billion. (this is from office of the US http://www.ustr.gov/uscolombiatpa/facts)
Group of Three (G-3) UK France ad Germany also have trade agreements with Colombia and signed a similar agreement with the European Union last summer. European Free trade association - EFTA commenced joint free trade negotiations with Colombia and Peru in 2007, which entered into force in 2011, the EFTA is – Switzerland, Lichtenstein, Iceland, Norway)
The effect of this Free Trade – flooding Colombian markets with cheap imports whilst brutally extracting primary resources at favourable prices.Colombian Sen. Jorge Robledo.. "Colombia used to be self-sufficient in food production, but now it is importing around 10 million tons of food" a year, he said. imports are 40 percent cheaper than items produced locally.
.An Oxfam report in 2011 estimates that the with the US-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement CTPA average income of 1.8 million grossly under-protected small farmers will fall by 16 percent.The study concludes that 400,000 farmers who now live below the minimum wage will see their incomes drop by up to 70 percent and will thus be forced out of their livelihoods.This economic backdrop is exacerbating the causes of the civil war that has raged for over 50 years. The imperialists and their lackeys in the Colombian government are ever more desperate to obliterate insurgency in Colombia and resistance by military means or negotiating them into a corner. The methods depend on the needs at the time, military destruction with proven support from the US is effective but bad for publicity, peace talks provide a cover in order to justify international trade agreements.
History of the conflict – In the interview we did with Marcel Guarnizo from JUCO – he briefly recounts some of the key political points and lessons from the history of the struggle in Colombia
He states, the violence against our people did not come from 1964 from the emblematic Colombian guerillas, no. The violence against our people was began with the invasion of our America, when the Spanish came and stole our resources, violated our women, and took over our territory. From there began the violence of the state, the colonial state against our indigenous people. From then onwards, all the forms of the state that have existed up until now have generated the exercise of domination of the powerful few over the masses.
There are some very sad and well known cases of violence, including well known at a worldwide level. The massacre of the bananeras, is one of the most bloody episodes of our history. The mobilisation of workers of chiquita bananas (who were at that time called the United Fruit Company) went on strike for basic labour rights, the US government threatened to send in US marines if the Colombian government did not protect the interests of the United Fruit Company. The Colombian army in response, massacred up to 3000 striking workers and their families. Such practices are not confined to the history books, in March 2007, Chiquita Bananas was fined $25 million by the United States Justice Department for funding the paramilitary group United Self-Defence forces (AUC) which organises to protect the interests of large land owners. From 1997 to 2004 several high-ranking corporate officers from Chiquita and its Colombian Banadex subsidiary made monthly payments, totalling $1.7 million, to the AUC.
In 1948 Jorge Elicier Gitan, aspiring presidential candidate, left wing leader of the liberal party and mayor of Bogata (the capital city) was assassinated by the Colombian Bourgeoisie and from this moment the people rose up in the Bogotazo – commencing a civil war which was brutally repressed, marking a period called 'the violence' - La Violencia which raged for 10 years where thousands and thousands were killed from left wing political parties and trends, particularly communist party, but essentially lots campesinos and workers. A particular focus on bombing the countryside to target campesino organisations led to the formation of guerilla organisations, who were gathering weapons in order to defend their territories against state invasion and attacks, specifically the FARC
There has been a specific focus on targeting the trade union movement. Up until an explosion of paramilitary forces in the 1990's, Colombian workers were among the most organized in Latin America, and Colombian trade unions were among the strongest. The largest organisation of workers in Colombia the Central unitaria trabajadores CUT was formed in 1986. Between then and 2010 the international trade union confederation estimate 2832 trade unionists were assassinated, on average one every three days over the last 23 years, other sources suggest over 4000 have been murdered, either way Colombia accounts for 63.12% of trade unionists murdered globally. Former paramilitary leader Carlos Castaño said that "We kill trade unionists because they interfere with people working'
There has been a drop in union assassinations over the last few years, but this is explained by the corresponding decline in union membership rates, from 14 percent at the start of Uribe’s tenure to just 4 percent today. In other words, there are fewer trade unionists to kill.
The article Colombia War and negotiation/FRFI 235 Oct/Nov 2013 refers to the peace agreements in 1985, where the government and FARC negotiated peaceful and open electoral campaigns to include the Patriotic Union, founded by the FARC and the Colombian Communist Party. The bourgeoisie then systematically assassinated some 5,000 members and supporters of the Patriotic Union,, without counting the thousands disappeared, thousands displaced.
The reason for this massacre was that Union Patriotica had won the largest number of votes for the left in the history of the country. It had achieved the highest level of unity and participation of the social and popular movements, the genocide was in order to destroy the political potential of Union Patriotica and the Communist to make important political gains within the framework of Colombia's bourgeois democracy. So the FARC regathered its people, and increased its recruits, took up its arms again, developed its projects in the cities with Union Patriotica, in the countryside, and continued the fight.
Displacement violence and links to the CPTA
Brutal class war violence has only increased in recent years and has clear links to the trade agreements with the US and Europe. Colombia is the world’s largest population of internally displaced people, refugees in their own country. More than 5.4 million, over 10 percent of the nation’s entire population, have been displaced since 1985 and roughly half have been displaced since President Uribe took office in 2002, the number continues to rise under President Santos. Mass displacements jumped an incredible 83 percent in 2012, in areas affected by the free trade agreement.
Paramilitaries still rife and have become ever more concentrated and powerful- although AUC disbanded in 2006, another paramilitary group the Bacrim are now consolidating and becoming more powerful and may number up to 8000 militants. Colombian think tank Nuevo Arco Iris reports that the Bacrim have condensed from thirty-three groups in 2006 to just six in 2012 and have expanded their presence to a third of Colombia's municipalities
The relationship between free trade agreement and paramilitary violence is laid bare in the southwestern coastal city of Buenaventura, who's name translates ironically as good fortune. The population of Buenaventura is 85% black African Caribbean, one third are unemployed and 80% live in poverty. 65% of Buenaventura’s households do not have a sewage system, and 45% do not have potable water. Life expectancy in Buenaventura is 51, compared with the national average of 62.
Buenaventura it is currently Colombia's main port and under the free trade agreement with the US, is the proposed plan for a massive expansion to turn it into a deep water port so it can become Latin America's biggest shipping terminal. There are also plans for large scale tourism development along the surrounding coast. These developments will require the forced eviction of thousands. Here where a massive port expansion threatens thousands with forced eviction. Those who protest are murdered and often their body parts displayed to serve as warnings. Members of Bacrim have regular meetings with local police, out in the open for all to see and an Island just off the coast is suspected of being a mass grave, the number of deaths is unknown but reported disappearances have doubles and total over 500 since 2007. (info from http://www.thenation.com/article/174589/horrific-costs-us-colombia-trade-agreement#)
The peace talks and elections
Alot of publicity has recently been focused on the Peace talks in Havana which began in November 2013, following on from talks in Oslo in 2012. The main battles on the agenda are land redistribution; a secure and open electoral process to allow FARC’s political representatives and allies to campaign for office; a national solution to the production and sale of cocaine, compensation for war victims and perhaps most importantly a call for a national constituent assembly. to replace the current constitution and be drafted with the representation particularly of marginalized, discriminated and segregated social sectors,” especially mentioning the peasant, indigenous and Afro-descendant communities.
Despite the FARC declaring periods unilateral ceasefire and demanding bilateral ceasefire, the government continued bombing FARC encampments throughout December and evidence that US military was involved in disclosing the coordinates of camps and issuing instructions to the Colombian national army has emerged.
The strength and unity of the left seems again to mirror it's strength in 1985. The Marcha Patriotica (which contains survivors from the Union Patriotica that was targeted in 1985) has achieved unity of over 2000 organisations representing a variety of political forces including campesinos, trade unionists, the communist party, and has staged large scale mobilisations throughout 2013. The Marcha Patriotica is backing the current peace talks and particularly the demand for a National Political Agreement for a National Constituent Assembly. 150,000 marched through Bogotá on 9 April last year in support of the peace talks, sending shock-waves through Colombia's ruling classes.
The Marcha Patriotica demands National Constituent Assembly, a bilateral ceasefire, a genuine democracy, and defence of the public domain: in essence, peace with social justice. For this movement, social justice means quality education for students, land owned and worked by campesinos, and the construction of a different economic model to counter neo-liberalism. Mirroring the demands in peace talks.
Political persecution continues, MP peasant leader Roberto Cortes was killed in November and the Marcha Patriotica reports that 25 of its members were killed last year. In addition there have been several high level cases of political exclusion from positions within the government. An example of this in December was the case of Gustavo Petro, the mayor of Bogotá who in December was expelled from holding political office for 15 years by right-wing inspector general Ordonez. Petro is an ex guerilla who participated in peace talks previously. He was backing the Marcha Patriotica and the current peace talks. He had pushed the nationalisation of several privatised municipal services, particularly rubbish collection. Private rubbish collection companies had staged a boycott, leading to rubbish building up in the capital and providing a justification for expelling Petro from office prompting large protests in Bogotá. Due to a legal and political battle, Petro has recently been reinstated as Mayor, but faces elections.
This is all taking place in the context of important elections in Colombia in 2014, in March there will be elections for a new congress and in May there are elections for president and vice president.
The Marcha Patriotica is demanding unity for the presidential elections, holding consultations with its member organisations and other political organisations, to propose a single candidate for the left in the May elections. According to polls, Santos could win 30% or more of the vote, the only chance for electoral victory is the left uniting behind a single candidate and the continued backing of a united left for a just and social peace and national constituent assembly. The success so far of Marcha Patriotica drawing together the multitude of forces who have been militantly defending and demanding their rights, from students, to campesinos, to mine workers, to me indicates that the balance of class forces in Colombia is again turning. The organisation and struggle of the working class and oppressed in Colombia, expressed by and in conjunction with the continued resistance of FARC and other armed groups such as the national liberation army (ELN) have made these conditions possible, refusing to be destroyed by the Colombian ruling class representatives of imperialism.
Sam McGill